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Dick Cheney was never a "grown-up"

A hard look at how one man changed the face of neoconservatism.

By Sidney Blumenthal

Apr. 14, 2008 | After Dick Cheney shot a friend in the face on a Texas hunting trip in February 2006, the national press corps began to speculate about him as one of the great mysteries of Washington, the Sphinx of the Naval Observatory, his official residence. Cheney had been known in the capital for decades through a career that carried him from congressional intern to the most powerful vice president in American history, but now his supposedly changed character became a subject of intense speculation. Brent Scowcroft, who had been George H.W. Bush's national security adviser, and had counseled against the invasion of Iraq, told The New Yorker magazine in 2005, "I consider Cheney a good friend -- I've known him for thirty years. But Dick Cheney I don't know anymore." Scowcroft's judgment was less about Cheney's temperament than his policy positions. The press, however, sought to disclose the sources of his "darkening persona," as a cover story in Newsweek described it. "Has Cheney changed? Has he been transformed, warped, perhaps corrupted -- by stress, wealth, aging, illness, the real terrors of the world or possibly some inner goblins?" A cover story entitled "Heart of Darkness," published in The New Republic, suggested that Cheney's heart disease had produced vascular dementia. "So, the next time you see Cheney behaving oddly, don't automatically assume that he's a bad man."

In 2000, when Cheney, as head of George W. Bush's search committee for a running mate, selected himself, opinion makers in Washington greeted the choice as proof positive of the younger Bush's deference to wisdom and therefore personifying prudence. Cheney's "manner gives him immunity from the extremist label," assured David Broder, the longtime leading political columnist of the Washington Post. "Voters who saw his televised briefings during the Persian Gulf War remember the calm voice and thoughtful expression that are his natural style ... By choosing a grown-up, Bush gave evidence of his own sense of responsibility."

Five years later, in 2005, Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, by then the former chief of staff to the former Secretary of State Colin Powell, speaking publicly at a Washington think tank, the New America Foundation, was less concerned with the press corps' obsession with Cheney's shifting images than with exposing his unprecedented manipulations. "What I saw was a cabal between the vice-president of the United States, Richard Cheney, and the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, on critical issues that made decisions that the bureaucracy did not know were being made." Though he had had extensive experience in government, Wilkerson had never before encountered such "secrecy," "aberration" and "bastardization" in decision-making. "It is a dysfunctional process," he said. "And to myself I said, okay, put on your academic hat. Who's causing this?"

Previously fixed on the stereotype of the "grown-up," pundits projected a new stereotype of dementia. But had Cheney, in fact, been fundamentally transformed, becoming unrecognizable to those professional observers of the press who believed they knew him well? Both Scowcroft and Wilkerson had encountered Cheney within councils of state. Had even Scowcroft misjudged Cheney as a team player when he was Secretary of Defense during the Gulf War? Was Cheney a regular, conservative minded Republican who had just gone mad? Or, if he were a member of a "cabal," did it involve more than Rumsfeld?

George W. Bush jettisoned the tenets of traditional Republicanism -- fiscal responsibility, limited government, separation of church and state, and realism in foreign policy. Instead the doctrines that had been nurtured in the hothouse of the Counter-Establishment since the Reagan period achieved their most radical expression. At every point, Cheney exercised his power.

The supply-side theory of tax cuts -- that slashing tax rates especially on the upper brackets would produce a flood of new government revenues -- was applied with a vengeance even after the Reagan experiment had disproved the notion, having fostered extraordinary deficits. On Nov. 15, 2002, after Bush's tax cuts had passed, then Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill spoke at a White House meeting of the senior economic team about an impending "fiscal crisis" because of "what rising deficits will mean to our economic and fiscal soundness." Cheney quickly knocked down his argument. "Reagan proved deficits don't matter," he said. "We won the midterms. This is our due." O'Neill was soon fired. He concluded that Cheney and "a praetorian guard" governed Bush's presidency. "It's not penetrable by facts," he said. "It's absolutism."

Conservative lawyers were installed throughout the administration and appointed to federal judgeships while radical legal doctrines were imposed. As soon as he took office Bush ended the American Bar Association's pre-screening of judicial nominees, a practice that had begun in 1948. The ABA was considered a hopelessly "liberal" organization. In its place de facto vetting was now performed by the Federalist Society, a group that "has created a conservative intellectual network that extends to all levels of the legal community," according to its website. Founded in 1982 and infused with more than $15 million in grants from conservative foundations, the Federalist Society has become the principal network for lawyers on the right. Nearly every Bush judicial nominee, every Justice Department official, every general counsel in every federal department and agency, and dozens of senior cabinet and sub-cabinet secretaries was a member.

The congressional investigation into the political purge of U.S. Attorneys uncovered evaluation forms with a column to be checked about whether or not the applicant was a Federalist Society member. On every issue, from the gutting of the civil rights division of the Justice Department, where 60 percent of the professional staff was driven out and not a single discrimination case was filed, to the implementation of the so-called "war paradigm," including abrogation of Article Three of the Geneva Convention against torture, (which then White House counsel Alberto Gonzales termed "quaint" in a memo to the president), Federalist Society cadres were at the center. David Addington, Cheney's counsel and later chief of staff, directed the tight-knit group of "torture lawyers" within the administration.

Foreign policy was dominated by the neoconservatives whose agenda was galvanized after the terrorist attacks of September 11. The 2000 manifesto issued by the Project for a New American Century, a neoconservative group that advocated "regime change" in Iraq, contained a cautionary line that "the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event -- like a new Pearl Harbor." September 11 became that "new Pearl Harbor," providing long hoped for political momentum the neoconservatives channeled for an invasion of Iraq.

The influence of the neoconservatives over the national security apparatus was heavy-handed and pervasive. More than 17 signatories of the Project for the New American Century statement held posts within the Bush administrations, including Cheney, Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz (Deputy Secretary of Defense), Richard Perle (chairman of the Defense Policy Board), and John Bolton (Undersecretary of State for Policy and later Acting U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations). But these eminences were the tip of the iceberg. Neoconservatives also staffed the Office of the Vice President, comprising the largest national security team ever assembled by a vice president. Neoconservatives were strategically placed throughout the National Security Council—for example, Elliott Abrams, NSC director of Middle East affairs, a convicted felon in the Iran-contra scandal. And neoconservatives were packed into the Office of the Secretary of Defense and his Office of Special Plans, a new office created to "stovepipe" intelligence to the White House without having it vetted by the CIA or other intelligence agencies.

The Iraq war was largely a neoconservative production conducted under the guidance of Cheney and Rumsfeld. Cheney took command of the intelligence process, even arranging for Bush to sign Executive Order 13292, written by Addington, giving the vice president the same power over intelligence as the president. The disinformation campaign that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction was a joint enterprise of the Office of the Vice President and the Office of the Secretary of Defense, providing a steady stream of evidence that was later revealed to be false and fabricated.

The occupation of Iraq was undertaken as a grand experiment in conservative ideology. The experienced hands in nation building at the State Department, who had prepared for the complexities of Iraqi reconstruction, as well as senior professionals from the departments of Treasury, Energy and Commerce, were blackballed by Cheney, Rumsfeld and their neoconservative aides. The hiring for the Coalition Provisional Authority was run by Rumsfeld's liaison to the White House (mainly OVP), who gathered resumes from the slush piles of conservative think tanks, and subjected prospective employees to rigorous tests of political loyalty, asking whether they had voted for George W. Bush and were opposed to abortion.

Cheney's reliance on neoconservatives was essential in carrying out his long conceived project of creating an imperial presidency, an executive unfettered by Congress or the press, that under the banner of war could enact any policy and obey or ignore any law that it wished. Cheney's use of the neoconservatives to attain his aims -- the core goals of the Bush presidency -- was hardly happenstance or an alliance of sudden convenience. "Has Cheney changed?" asked Newsweek. The answer to that question required delving deeply into the hidden history of neoconservatism.

Richard Nixon was the first Republican president to cultivate the neoconservatives. They were considered a potentially fresh source of ideas to deal with racial turmoil, student unrest over the Vietnam War, and the discontents of the working and middle classes. Nixon's first encounter took place on March 12, 1970, when Irving Kristol was invited to dinner with the president. Kristol was a former Trotskyist who maintained a consistently cynical view of liberalism as he drifted to the right, acting as an editor at a succession of small journals. The diary of H.R. Haldeman, Nixon's chief of staff, records: "Tonight P (President) stag dinner with key staff and Irving Kristol. Got off to slow start and through dinner P talked with (George) Shultz (Secretary of Labor) about labor matters, Kristol just listened. Sort of a waste of time and talent. In Oval Room [Office] after dinner the talk heated up, about whole subject of condition of the country, focused on radicalization of large number of college students, strength of nihilistic groups (in influence, not numbers), and how to deal with it all ... Must say, Kristol didn't add much."

Nixon did not recall Kristol from that dinner. Kristol, after all, had been uncharacteristically quiet. Nonetheless, Nixon's aides kept sending him articles Kristol wrote on such subjects as pornography and censorship. After Kristol endorsed Nixon for reelection in 1972, causing a stir among the New York intellectuals, Nixon's most conservative aides, Patrick Buchanan and Charles Colson, recommended that Nixon hire Kristol as a domestic policy expert to replace the departing Daniel Patrick Moynihan. For whatever reason, whether Nixon's or Kristol's demurral, Kristol did not receive the appointment.

With Nixon's resignation and Gerald Ford's assumption of the presidency, a new aide arrived with the portfolio to gather ideas from conservative thinkers. Robert Goldwin was himself little known among intellectuals. He was a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, the oldest conservative think tank in Washington; founded to combat the New Deal, it functioned as the brain trust for Barry Goldwater's campaign in 1964. Goldwin had published no notable articles or books of his own and believed generally that intellectuals did not "even have much to say to the ordinary citizen." His notion was less an idea than an impulse, a deeply seated resentment against liberalism that took the form of anti-intellectualism.

Goldwin's gruff contempt expressed the common opinion of conservatives, even conservative thinkers, of the period. AEI was less a hive of activism than a small, stagnant world apart. Its scholars had not achieved distinction in peer-reviewed academia; nor were they known for interesting articles in major publications. Kristol was an experienced provocateur and organizer, whose neoconservatism was a Leninist strategy for the right: intellectual cadres would act as a vanguard to guide the masses of Nixon's "Silent Majority" against the class enemy.

Goldwin's first service to President Ford was to arrange an hour long private meeting with Kristol, who soon began recommending neoconservatives to positions on the National Endowment for the Humanities and Library of Congress.

Goldwin also called Kristol's work to the attention of Ford's chief of staff Donald Rumsfeld, who in turn handed it over to his deputy Dick Cheney. (Cheney had also been Rumsfeld's assistant when Rumsfeld served as counselor to President Nixon.) Cheney had earned a master's degree in political science at the University of Wyoming and pursued doctoral studies at the University of Wisconsin before dropping out to work as an intern for a Republican congressman from Wisconsin. According to documents in the archives of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, Cheney wrote Goldwin on Jan. 25, 1975. "I greatly appreciate receiving the stuff you've been sending me… Anything like that that comes in from Kristol or others, I'd love to see."

Five days later, Kristol wrote Goldwin a letter explaining the political necessity of fostering a conservative Counter-Establishment:

"I do think the White House ought to do something for a relatively small group of men who are, unbeknownst to it, being helpful to this Administration, to the Republican party, and to conservative and moderate enterprise in general. I am referring to the men who head small and sometimes obscure foundations which support useful research and activities of a kind that the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations take a dim view of. I have got to know an awful lot of them these past years, and they never have received the barest recognition which I think they are entitled to. I am thinking of people like R. Randolph Richardson of the Smith Richardson Foundation, Donald Regan from the Merrill Trust, someone from the Earhart Foundation, the head of the Scaife Family Trust, and the head of the Lilly Endowment, etc. I say ‘head' because, in each case, one would have to determine whether it is the chairman of the board of the executive director who is the appropriate person to receive this recognition. But it would be nice if, say, the White House were to invite these gentlemen and their wives to a State dinner occasionally. If you think this can be done, I'd be happy to draw up a list for your guidance."

On Feb. 14, 1975, Cheney wrote Goldwin, "Bob, why don't you come see me on Irving Kristol. We need to come up with a specific proposal as to how he might be utilized full time." Kristol was soon sending a flow of letters and articles containing his views on a wide range of subjects to Goldwin that were also shared with Cheney. One Goldwin memo, dated Nov. 18, 1975, appended to a Wall Street Journal op-ed written by Kristol on small business, "The New Forgotten Man": "In case you missed it, this Kristol piece is excellent and addressed very directly to us in this Administration." At Kristol's suggestion, Goldwin also launched a series of seminars for senior officials within the administration that included a number of neoconservative luminaries. Cheney, who had become White House chief of staff, and Rumsfeld, who had been named Secretary of Defense, were regular attendees.

After Ford's defeat in 1976, Kristol's influence in directing the funding of right-wing foundations made him the widely acknowledged godfather of the neoconservative movement. During the Reagan years, he moved from New York to Washington, settling as a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, which under his influence had shed its traditional Republican origins and become a neoconservative bastion. (In 2002, George W. Bush awarded Kristol the Presidential Medal of Freedom.) Kristol's son, William, meanwhile, continued the family business, serving as chief of staff to Vice President Dan Quayle, an isolated outpost of neoconservatism during the elder Bush's administration that its denizens called "Fort Reagan." William became editor of a neoconservative journal of opinion, The Weekly Standard, part of press lord Rupert Murdoch's media empire that included Fox News, where the younger Kristol holds forth as a regular commentator. Two years after establishing The Weekly Standard, Kristol co-founded and chaired the Project for a New American Century, whose office was housed at the American Enterprise Institute.

The abbreviated history of the Ford administration, reaping the whirlwind of Nixon's failed presidency, besieged on all sides by the Congress, the press and an insurgent Republican right, scarred Cheney. His encouragement of Kristol and the neoconservatives reflected his efforts to move the Ford administration rightward. Along with Rumsfeld he pushed for the creation of a parallel commission dubbed the Team B to second-guess the CIA on Soviet military capability. The Team B's report projecting a rapidly expanding Soviet threat turned out to contain faulty data. Then CIA director George H.W. Bush, who had acceded to Team B's creation, later condemned it as having set "in motion a process that lends itself to manipulation for purposes other than estimative accuracy." Nonetheless, Team B served as an important milestone in legitimating neoconservatism within the Republican Party.

Elected to the House of Representatives from Wyoming in 1978, Cheney quickly rose within the Republican leadership, becoming the party's senior figure on intelligence matters. As the ranking Republican on the joint congressional committee investigating the Iran-contra scandal Cheney issued a report (written by his then counsel Addington) that attacked the Congress for encroaching on the president's prerogatives in foreign policy, although the scandal involved secret offshore bank accounts, rogue sales of missiles to Iran and bribery of White House officials. This parallel and illegal foreign policy was constructed to avoid adherence to the congressional Boland amendments that prohibited covert military aid to the Nicaraguan contras. Cheney's minority report was a brief for the imperial presidency. It stated: "Congressional actions to limit the president in this area therefore should be reviewed with a considerable degree of skepticism. If they interfere with the core presidential foreign policy functions, they should be struck down." In 2005, he told reporters that the report best captured his views of a "robust" presidency.

When I published this book in 1986 it appeared just months before the Iran-contra scandal was revealed. I had set out to examine the ways that conservatives had created an infrastructure for institutionalizing and magnifying their influence in national politics and throughout the federal government. Then on the national staff of the Washington Post, I knew Dick Cheney as the House Republican Whip. But I didn't imagine then that his crusade for unfettered presidential power and a unitary executive would culminate during a subsequent presidential administration.

As Secretary of Defense in the elder Bush's administration, Cheney was always the most ideological member of the national security team. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called Cheney's Pentagon senior staff "a refuge for Reagan-era hardliners." After the Gulf War, in 1992, the neoconservatives engaged in a new Team B-like operation under Cheney's aegis. Paul Wolfowitz, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, and his deputies, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby (later VP Cheney's chief of staff) and Zalmay Khalilzad (later U.S. ambassador to Iraq and the U.N.), after consulting with leading neoconservatives, produced a draft document for a post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy, simply called Defense Policy Guidance. The memo argued for unilateral use of U.S. force, preemptive strikes, preventing the emergence of powerful rivals including nations that were formally allied to the U.S., and pointedly did not refer to international order or multilateral organizations. Once the document was leaked to the New York Times, however, Bush administration officials killed it as contrary to their foreign policy. But Cheney was proud of the memo and issued a version of it under his name as a departing gesture in 1992 as the administration left office. "He took ownership of it," said Khalilzad. The ideas contained within it resurfaced in the 2000 manifesto of the Project for a New American Century (Wolfowitz, Libby, Khalilzad, and Cheney were signatories) and in 2002 as the basis for President George W. Bush's "National Security Strategy of the United States of America."

After the first Bush administration, Cheney became the chief executive officer of Halliburton and a member of the board of trustees of the American Enterprise Institute. His wife, Lynne, who as chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1993 had been a fierce cultural warrior on the right, became a senior fellow at AEI. On January 23, 2003, two months before the invasion of Iraq, President Bush delivered a speech at the annual AEI dinner bestowing the Irving Kristol Award. "You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20 such minds," he declared. The following year, Cheney did the honors. "Being here brings to mind my own days affiliated with AEI, which stretch back some 30 years," he recalled.

Cheney had not changed over the years; on the contrary, he could not have been more explicit and direct about his goals all along. There never was a real mystery about him. Early on, Cheney's notions for an imperial presidency and his relationships with the neoconservatives merged on to a single track. Since the beleaguered Ford White House, he sought out people to develop and implement such ideas, which became the governing policy of George W. Bush's administration. Only through Cheney was the rise of neoconservatism made possible. Now its next phase will revolve around finding a new sponsor to return them to power despite the catastrophic consequences of their ideas.


          

베트남전쟁기 한반도와 베트남 관계 연구   

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Title: 베트남전쟁기 한반도와 베트남 관계 연구 Ewha Authors: DO THANH THAO MIEN Abstract: 본 논문은 베트남자료를 활용해서 베트남 전쟁 시기 북한·북베트남, 남한·남베트남의 관계가 형성·강화되고 소원해지는 과정을 통괄하여 분석했으며 북한·북베트남의 관계, 남한·남베트남의 관계의 중요성, 그리고 그 관계 전개 과정에서의 새로운 사실들을 밝혔다. 먼저, 1950년에 외교관계를 수립한 북한과 북베트남 관계에서는, 그 초기단계라 할 수 있는 공동연대에 사회주의 연대의식과 반(反)제국주의 의식이 자리잡고 있었다. 당시 북베트남정부의 주요 관심 대상은 북한의 한국전쟁에서의 군사적 경험이었으며, 북한의 북베트남에 대한 관심의 범주 역시 베트남의 ‘항불전쟁’이었다. 이후 양국은 문화·기술·경제 등의 다양한 측면에서 지속적이고 긴밀하게 서로 간의 관계를 유지하였다. 1950년대 중반부터 제네바 협정으로 인한 베트남 분단과 미국의 남베트남 개입은 북한·북베트남의 공동의식을 반미의식으로 구체화시켰다. 이는 1960년대 중반의 “밀월 관계”라는 단어로 규정할 수 있는 양국의 전개 관계에서 중요한 문제였다. 미국의 북베트남 폭격과 남한의 베트남 파병이 중요한 요소로 작용했기 때문이었다. 북한 정부는 1965년에 북베트남에 가능한 최대의 지원을 제공하였고, 미국의 북베트남 공격 시작 이후에는 공군, 심리전 인력과 같은 인적 자원을 파견하였다. 그런데 1960년대 후반에 접어들며 북한과 북베트남의 관계는 변화하기 시작했다. 그 변화 과정은 시간이 흐를수록 점차 뚜렷해졌는데, 1960년대 말에는 북한이 북베트남에 대한 지원이 대규모로 감소하기 시작했으며 이는 당시 양국의 공동반미전선에 대한 이질적인 인식이 반영된 것이다. 북한은 베트남의 민족해방전쟁 방식 및 반미전쟁 전개과정에서 나타난 국제정세의 변화를 고려하여 대남·대미 정책에서 다양한 전략을 구사했다. 베트남의 투쟁 양상은 북한에 모범적 모델로 인식되어, 1960년대 초·중반 북한이 남한에서의 혁명 세력을 강화해야 한다는 방침 설정과 1974년에 남한의 참여를 배제한 채 미국과의 단독 평화협정 체결을 제안하는 데에 영향을 미쳤다. 즉 이는 베트남 전쟁에서 북베트남정부가 주창했던 것과 일부 유사한 것으로, 베트남 전쟁에서 많은 영향을 받은 것이었다. 뿐만 아니라 북한지도부는 국가 체제를 수립·강화되는 과정에서 요구되었던 정당한 명목 및 동기에 베트남전쟁에 따른 정세를 지속적으로 적용했다. 베트남의 항미전쟁은 북한에 반미의식을 바탕으로 한 한국전쟁 분위기 재현에 중요한 역할을 했기 때문이다. 또한 북베트남에 대한 지원, 남베트남을 위한 복수, 그리고 국제 혁명 단결 등과 같은 명목은 당시 노동자들의 협력을 동원할 수 있는 방식이었다. 결과적으로 북한에서 유일체제가 수립된 때부터 그것이 심화·발전·완성되어 나아가는 전체적인 과정에서, 베트남이라는 변수는 중요하게 작용했다. 한편, 북한과 북베트남의 관계에서 주목해야 할 또 다른 점은 중국이라는 변수와 그 영향이었다. 중국은 1950년대 양국 간의 교량 역할로 북한·북베트남 관계가 성립될 수 있는 계기를 마련했을 뿐만 아니라 1960년대 초반에 양국에 경제 및 안보에 대한 지원을 지속해왔다. 즉 중국은 북한과 북베트남에 영향력을 급속히 확대시켰으며 북한과 북베트남의 관계를 촉진시키는 데에도 중심적 역할을 하였다. 주목할 점은 1960년대 말부터 북한과 북베트남의 관계가 느슨해지고 북한의 베트남전쟁에 대한 시각이 변화하기 시작했는데, 이 당시 중국은 간과할 수 없는 변수였다. 이 때문에 베트남전쟁 시기 북한의 대남 정책의 실상을 다면적으로 드러내기 위해서라도 북·중·베 삼각관계를 분석하는 작업이 필요하다. 다음으로, 남한과 남베트남 관계를 살필 때, 양국은 1950년대 중반부터 반공주의라는 공통점을 바탕으로 형성된 관계였지만 마냥 ‘의기투합한 벗’이 아니었음을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 상대국에 대한 인식 차이로 인하여 양국 관계는 초기부터 사소한 문제를 안고 출발했다. 남한과 남베트남 간에는 1950년대부터 합의되지 못한 지점들이 존재했고, 대만의 파병을 선호한 지엠 대통령은 1960년대 초반 남한의 군사시찰단에 대해 높이 평가하지 않았으며, 남한의 군사 지원에 대해 그다지 달가워하지 않았다. 남한·남베트남의 관계는 1960년 중반에 와서야 긴밀해졌다. 박정희 대통령이 남베트남으로의 파병을 결정하는 과정에서 미국의 영향권에서 벗어나 남베트남을 상대로 독자적으로 움직인 것, 이후의 남한·남베트남의 관계 전개 과정에서도 남한정부가 독자적으로 대남베트남 정책을 수립한 것은 남한·남베트남의 긴밀한 관계를 뒷받침하고 있었다. 이에 대하여 남한·남베트남협력이 급속히 발전했다는 것이 중론이다. 하지만 실제로 남베트남 상품이 남한에 수출된 사례는 거의 없었으며, 그 결과로 나타난 무역 불균형 문제를 해결하기 위한 공동의 노력도 부족하였다. 뿐만 아니라 남베트남에서는 파월된 ‘어글리 코리안’과 같은 문제가 발생하면서 남베트남의 지방정부와 국민들은 불만을 표출하였다. 이러한 양상은 군사·정치적 측면에서도 확인되었다. 남한의 참전으로 양국 관계가 더욱 발전했지만, 극우반공의식과 한국전쟁의 선경험을 강조한 남한군에 의해 남베트남인들의 희생이 발생하였다. 양국은 이에 대해 법적인 책임을 묻기보다는 상호 우호 관계와 군사적 협력을 우선시하여 남베트남과 남한 간의 군사·정치적 측면에서 불균형을 초래하였다. 한편 이러한 과정에서 미국은 남한·남베트남의 관계상 간과할 수 없는 존재였다. 남한·남베트남의 우호관계를 촉진한 원인은 미국이었다. 미국은 한국전쟁에 대한 경험을 바탕으로 1950년대 중반에 베트남문제에 개입하였고 1960년대 베트남에 지상군을 개입시키는 과정에서 한반도의 안보문제를 고려했다. 또한 미국이 베트남전쟁 종결시 즉 1970년대 중반 미국이 새로운 대남한정책을 세우고 주한미군 잔류를 결정한 것 역시 남베트남에서의 패배 경험을 바탕으로 한 것이었다. 마지막으로, 본 연구는 총괄적으로 베트남 전쟁을 둘러싼 국제적 요소들을 분석했으며 이를 통해 베트남전쟁의 복잡성을 규명했다. 그 결과, 전통적 개념인 냉전으로 베트남전쟁을 설명한 기존의 연구들의 이해가 충분하지 않았음을 밝혔으며, 앞으로 베트남전쟁 연구들의 새로운 시각 및 방법에 대한 필요성이 제기하고자 한다. ;Based on Vietnamese materials, this dissertation comprehensively analyzes the process of the formation, strengthening and distancing of the relationships between North Korea and North Vietnam, South Korea and South Vietnam during Vietnam War, then clarifies the importance of these relations as well as new historical truths throughout the process. First of all, in regards to North Korea-North Vietnam relations, which was established in 1950, collective socialist solidarity and anti-imperialist features played a critical role in the early stage of this friendship. At that time, the main interest of the North Vietnamese Government was North Korean’s military experience during the Korean War. Meanwhile, North Korean interest in North Vietnam laid on its ‘resistance war against the French.’ Since then, the two countries have maintained close ties in various aspects such as culture, technology and economy. Since the mid-1950s, Vietnam was divided according to the Geneva Agreement. Due to U.S. intervention in Vietnam, the collective ideological consciousness between North Korea and North Vietnam was concretized into anti-Americanism. This was an important issue in the development of mutual contacts that could be defined as a “honeymoon relationship” in the mid-1960s. The issue was further strengthened due to the bombings of the U.S. in North Vietnam and the deployment of South Korean troops to South Vietnam. The North Korean Government provided the largest possible support for North Vietnam in 1965 and contributed human resources such as air forces and psychological warfare personnel after U.S. bombings began in North Vietnam. By the later half of the 1960s, however, mutual relations began to change. This process became increasingly evident over time. At the end of the 1960s, North Korea began reducing its support for North Vietnam drastically, reflecting the cracks within the two allies’ collective fronts of anti-Americanism. Taking into account the developments throughout the national liberation and anti-American war of Vietnam, North Korea used various strategies in its policy towards South Korea and the United States. It considered the struggle of Vietnam as a model in the early and mid-1960s, then strengthened revolutionary forces in South Korea. In 1974, it proposed the signing of the so-called ‘peace treaty’ with the United States. These strategies were somewhat similar to what the Vietnamese Government advocated during the Vietnam War, reflecting the influence of the war on North Korean calculations. In addition, the North Korean leadership used the developments in Vietnam as a legitimate motivation necessary for the establishment and strengthening of its institution. The Vietnamese anti-American war played an important role in creating an atmosphere of war on the Korean peninsula. Supporting North Vietnam, revenging South Vietnam, and the international revolutionary solidarity were the means by which its leaders mobilized cooperation from the labors for the national development cause. As a result, Vietnam became a significant factor for the process of developing and completing an authoritarian institution in North Korea. Another noteworthy feature in North Korea-North Vietnam relations was the influence of the China factor. Not only had China assisted in the establishment of North Korea-North Vietnam relations by its role as a bridge between the two countries, it also continued to provide economic and security support for both countries throughout the process. In other words, China rapidly expanded its influence in North Korea and North Vietnam, which also facilitated the development of Hanoi-Pyongyang relationship. Particularly, in the late 1960s, North Korea-North Vietnam relations began distancing, and Pyongyang’s view of the Vietnam War also started to change due to the influence of the China factor. Therefore, in order to fully understand North Korean policy towards South Korea during the Vietnam War, an analysis of Pyongyang-Hanoi-Peking relationship is highly needed. Next, South Korea-South Vietnam relations was formed based on the common feature of anti-Communism since the mid-1950s, yet not as a complete “harmonious relationship.” Due to the differences in the two countries’ perceptions and points of view, from the beginning of bilateral relations, minor problems started to emerge. Since the 1950s, there was no common ground between Seoul and Saigon. The President of South Vietnam, who preferred the dispatch of Taiwanese troops, did not highly appreciate South Korean military inspectors in the early 1960s, as well as showing his dissatisfaction with the military support from South Korea. An improvement of South Korea-South Vietnam relations began in the mid-1960s. Throughout the process of sending combat troops to South Vietnam, President Park Chung Hee in fact actively engaged with Saigon, detaching from the influence of the U.S. In the course of the subsequent bilateral ties, the South Korean Government maintained an independent South Vietnam policy, resulting in closer mutual contacts. However, such development in bilateral relations was merely outward. Bilateral trade was indeed one-sided: South Korea exported to South Vietnam, whereas Saigon could not export goods to Seoul. There was no mutual effort to increase the Vietnamese exports to South Korea. Similar to economic relations, military and political cooperation between the two allies was that South Korea was given priority and South Vietnam had to concede. As the result, the two countries developed an imbalanced relationship and many problems emerged in this process. Despite the tense atmosphere on the Korean peninsula due to the dispatch of South Korean troops to Vietnam, as well as the issues such as “Ugly Korean” in Vietnam, Seoul-Saigon relations continued to grow. This show how necessary the war in Vietnam was for South Korea, and South Korea indeed served as a fulcrum for South Vietnam. On the other hand, the United States was a factor that could not be overlooked in South Vietnam-South Korea relations. It was the U.S. that pushed for Seoul-Saigon friendship. Based on its experience in the Korean War, the U.S. intervened in the Vietnam problem since the mid-1950s, while at the same time calculated security issues of the Korean peninsula during the intervention of ground forces in Vietnam. And the end of the Vietnam War in the mid-1970s, the U.S. set the policy for South Korea and decided to delay the withdraw of American forces from the Korean peninsula out of its experience of defeat in South Vietnam. Last but not least, this study analyzes other international factors surround the Vietnam War as a whole, as well as clarifying the complexity of this war. Therefore, it is inadequate explaining the Vietnam War based on the traditional concepts of the Cold War, and new perspectives and approaches in studying this war are highly needed.

          

Taller de HORTICULTURA ECOLÓGICA URBANA   

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Albacete, ETSIAM

Curso teórico/práctico en el que se utilizarán diversos materiales y se pondrán los conocimientos adquiridos de forma práctica cultivando un huerto


Fechas y horario:

Albacete, del 4 de octubre de 2019 al 15 de mayo de 2020
4 de Octubre , 8 de Noviembre de 2019, 21 de Febrero, 20 de Marzo, 17 de Abril y 15 de Mayo de 2020
Viernes de 16’30 a 19’30 h.


 


Lugar: 

Albacete,
Instalaciones del campo de Prácticas de ETISAM (Ctra. de Peñas)


Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)


Monitor: 

Vicenta Piqueras
Concepción Fabeiro


Objetivos:

Fijación de carbono y prevención de la erosión : los huertos no pueden ser desiertos cultivados. Debemos propiciar la presencia de flora cultivada o silvestre para mejorar la fijación de CO2 y la protección frente a la erosión. Desde la horticultura ecológica tenemos recursos muy interesantes como el abono verde, las rotaciones, el conocimiento de la vegetación silvestre.

-Ahorro de agua: la necesidad de mejorar la eficiencia del riego así como la búsqueda de cultivos adaptados a condiciones de sequía nos llevarán a poder afrontar la continuidad de estos espacios de cultivo. Cada planta requiere un riego diferente. Simultanear secano-regadío dentro del huerto es posible. Una adecuada planificación nos permitirá no derrochar agua.

– Biodiversidad: la pérdida de biodiversidad es alarmante, tanto en plantas como en microfauna. En estos espacios podremos propiciar la conservación de variedades hortícolas que están en vias de desaparición así como crear refugios para la fauna útil también en peligro.

-Uso de recursos : hay que tomar conciencia de los recursos que consumimos en nuestro huerto, de dónde vienen y caminar hacia la autosuficiencia. Para ello hay que adquirir habilidades para obtenerlos. Profundizar en la obtención de semillas y planteles, compostaje de residuos, conocimiento de proveedores locales,…


Contenidos:

Debido al proceso de crecimiento delos productos de los huertos, el  curso se impartirá de forma cronlógica, dependiendo de las épocas de siembra, seguimiento y transplantado de productos.


Nº Plazas: 

Grupo de 8 a 20 plazas


Materiales que debe llevar el alumno: 

incluye materiales.


Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/6_PLUS__SLASH_4gVebh56QaYwV0c0NlVAl1O85ChGQw7yGXKZvxJrxvaapeC4ukxKc_SLASH_G0Sa_SLASH_yCSYJUNl5ugJf0DfTsrnfFV4fuUmnUrqh4VgQyd1BZ9j0_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27´77 € Externos


          

Taller de ORATORIA   

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Campus de Albacete, Calle Cronista Francisco Ballesteros Gómez, 1, 02071 Albacete, España

Fechas y horario:

Albacete, del 4 de noviembre al 27 de noviembre de 2019
Lunes y miércoles de 18:30 a 20:15 h.


Conferencia: 4 de noviembre, Salón de actos E.U. Politécnica 19:30 h.
Taller: 11,13,18,20,25 y 27 de noviembre de 2019.


Lugar: 

Aula nº 9, Edificio Polivalente.


Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)


Monitor: 

Mario Artesero de Escenae


Objetivos:

  • Desarrollar la confianza personal
  • Lograr el dominio emocional de los asistentes a un auditorio
  • Conocer la técnica de Elavator Pitch
  • Dominar a la mayor perfección en el lenguaje gestual y no gestual
  • Vencer miedos escénico
  • Potenciar la exosición de los trabajos fin de grado.
  • Desarrollar la efectividad y naturalidad a la hora de exponer un discurso en público.

Contenidos:

El curso se desarrollará en dos partes. La primera consiste en una charla/conferencia en la cual se divulgará “La importancia de saber hablar en público”.

La segunda parte consiste en un taller de 16 horas teórico-prácticas en las cuales se pretenden los siguientes


Nº Plazas: 

Grupo de 8 a 24 plazas


Materiales que debe llevar el alumno: 

Los alumnos deben llevar material de escritura.


Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/xXGgj24Yvl_PLUS_bwoPH5PSC7acXkofWaVhzCD1yy7yv_SLASH__PLUS_OHhY_PLUS_g_SLASH_fAy2HpT3Ge_PLUS_UYR1AAtvl8yJbqyGaXtlWWRhMt3KoNe6pqb4EL6fmVwuIWA_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27´77 € Externos


          

Taller de ACUARELA   

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ciudad real, cardenal monescillo 16

Fechas y horario:

Ciudad Real, 15, 22 y 29 de octubre y 5 de noviembre de 2019.

Martes de 17:30 a 20:30 h.

Lugar:

Sala ACUA – Esquina Cardenal Monescillo, 16

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Adela Cabañas Onsurbe

Objetivos:

Se trata de un curso de tipo taller dirigido a quienes, con o sin experiencia previa en la técnica de la acuarela, deseen expresarse y ser capaces de realizar ilustraciones con esta técnica.

Contenidos:

Elección de soporte y papeles.
Pinceles y elementos de trabajo
Técnicas básicas.
Planteamiento y encaje-boceto de dibujo.
Realización de ilustraciones

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 18 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

Cuaderno para acuarela, acuarelas y pinceles

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/n5T0_PLUS_MHYTQYsVy2aVa3CTB94_PLUS_Wi2nA_SLASH_otCceEiY_SLASH_d32ciKPb84Ww_SLASH_sKz4U_PLUS_Le6sFepD8qnXG_PLUS_uSrLSog0tNP0tH3rl96ePS_SLASH_Mt9rLx1oaIA_EQUALS
Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

Taller de ORATORIA   

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ciudad real

Fechas y horario:

Ciudad Real, 8 y 9 de noviembre de 2019
Viernes de 16:30 a 19:30 h. y sábado de 10:30 a 14:00 h. y de 16:30 a 19:30 h.

Lugar:

Sala ACUA (Ciudad Real)

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Ángel Luis Álvaro

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 20 plazas

Objetivos:

Dotar a los asistentes de herramientas, habilidades y recursos que les permitan desenvolverse más fácilmente ante cualquier situación relacionada con hablar en público.
Trasladar a los asistentes motivación, confianza y herramientas para mejorar la comunicación en público.
12 horas de trabajo sencillo, divertido y práctico.
Mejorar la comunicación en la exposición del trabajo fin de grado.
Vencer nuestros miedos y empezar a hablar en público.
Aprender a comunicar utilizando la voz, la palabra y el gesto.

Contenido:

Oratoria y hablar en público.
¿Comunicas?
Corporalidad y lenguaje no verbal.
Trabajando con la voz y la palabra.
Exponer en público el TFG. (Trabajo fin de grado)
Lánzate y habla en público.

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/3H2M9GHpcvvV60jnB9GG93x8b1bXzOJcmS1mfFSVGb_PLUS_PxThFgTAkzWzTHw7tkEbI9eZpTPer8iDO_SLASH_nSLp_PLUS_9wTkGXdAJ71zqLUp6WAxsHmN4_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € (Externos Incluye seguro escolar)


          

Taller de INTRODUCCIÓN A LA GUITARRA ESPAÑOLA   

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Cuenca, Polideportivo Universitario Luis Yufera

Fechas y horario:

Cuenca, 17 y 24 de octubre, 7, 14, 21 y 28 de noviembre y 12 y 19 de diciembre.
Jueves, de 18 a 19,30 h.

Lugar:

Aula de formación
Pabellón Polideportivo Universitario Luis Yufera

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Lara Iranzo

Objetivos:

El objetivo de este taller es conseguir que, con facilidad, el alumno interprete diferentes canciones. Para ello, trabajaremos nociones básicas de técnica instrumental, así como un conocimiento general de la guitarra española.

Contenidos:

Introducción: estructura de la guitarra, posición y afinación | Dos formas de trabajo: cifrado y lenguaje musical | Ubicación de las notas en la guitarra. Escalas y punteos | Acordes básicos (mayores y menores). Construcción de acordes | Ejecución de ritmos y arpegios | Interpretación de temas sencillos con los que disfrutar de la guitarra | Cantar y tocar a la vez es posible.

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 6 a 14 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

Cada alumno deberá traer su propia guitarra española durante las clases

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/JRXBHAE2hYR2HRQnv31bA2dpHfdYOaIzJm24grS513_SLASH_krqXiP88MakNmpS1O2wB5geZXmRkQUNKo7c9AtzIzcVVOnESF7dU32NRKXie4OWk_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

Taller de ORATORIA   

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Cuenca, Sala ACUA

Fechas y horario:

Cuenca, 26 y 27 de octubre de 2019
Sábado de 10:30 a 14 h. y de 17 a 20 h. y Domingo de 10:30 a 14 h.

Lugar:

Sala ACUA (Cuenca)

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Ángel Luis Álvaro

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 20 plazas

Objetivos:

Dotar a los asistentes de herramientas, habilidades y recursos que les permitan desenvolverse más fácilmente ante cualquier situación relacionada con hablar en público.
Trasladar a los asistentes motivación, confianza y herramientas para mejorar la comunicación en público.
12 horas de trabajo sencillo, divertido y práctico.
Mejorar la comunicación en la exposición del trabajo fin de grado.
Vencer nuestros miedos y empezar a hablar en público.
Aprender a comunicar utilizando la voz, la palabra y el gesto.

Contenido:

Oratoria y hablar en público.
¿Comunicas?
Corporalidad y lenguaje no verbal.
Trabajando con la voz y la palabra.
Exponer en público el TFG. (Trabajo fin de grado)
Lánzate y habla en público.

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/KN7iTfXtOFITMDc0kehPJX14EBAdn8lRlEp9wFDgZ_SLASH_tSQTxOabC3Ou1ESzO4wszRloj_PLUS_bDzJPH_PLUS_YVeJM27h85G55VKrWnZEgeUGN2o7VKEM_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € (Externos Incluye seguro escolar)


          

Laboratorio de ESCRITURA   

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Cuenca, Sala ACUA

Todos somos creativos y si tomamos las riendas de nuestra imaginación podremos sacarle el mejor fruto durante nuestro laboratorio y sobre todo después.

EXPERIMENTAMOS: Nuestras herramientas son las palabras y jugaremos con ellas para que transmitan emociones al lector. Queremos que lo que no se escribe, los silencios, lo que se plasma “entre líneas” sea igual de importante que el texto. Esta vez reservaremos una parte del taller a la poesía y a la escritura experimental.

Fechas y horario:

Cuenca, 9 y 10 de noviembre
Sábado de 11,00 a 14 h. y 17 a 20 h. y Domingo de 10:30 a 14 h.

Lugar:

Sala ACUA – Cuenca (Calle Colmillo)

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Cristina Serrano de Un Cuarto Propio

Objetivos:

Aprovechar la creatividad que todos tenemos dentro a través de la escritura.
Jugar con las palabras, perder el miedo a la hoja en blanco.
Aprender la diferencia entre escribir y re-escribir
Transformar la realidad en cuento o en poema

Contenidos:

Creatividad
Técnicas de Desbloqueo
La mirada
La memoria Ingredientes del cuento
Encontrar la historia
Quién cuenta la historia
Ambientación
Escritura Experimental
Poesía

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 16 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

Material de escritura

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/nIilhObz6e0vcbjeo0ug5jTj3uFQ_PLUS_cwLmGL7xF5gOvuw0lWZkplxu0c1dN2CUU8mxGXjCFlO18UgA69P8dGdyup1cZdArl28ZESkhdHuVl0_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

Taller de ACUARELA   

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Cuenca, Sala ACUA

Fechas y horario:

Cuenca, 23 y 24 de noviembre

Sábado de 10:30 a 14 h. y de 17 a 20 h.
Domingo de 10:30 a 14 h.


 


Lugar: 

Sala ACUA – Cuenca


Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)


Monitor: 

Sandra Ramirez – Cárdenas


Objetivos:

Dar a conocer a principiantes las bases para iniciarse en esta técnica de pintura
Quitar el miedo a esta técnica
Ser capaces de realizar nuestra propia ilustración


Contenidos:

Técnicas básicas y pinceles
Soporte. Papeles
Mancha básica
Sombreado y delineado
Realización de ilustración


Nº Plazas: 

Grupo de 8 a 16


Materiales que debe llevar el alumno: 

Cuaderno para acuarela, acuarelas y pinceles


Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/nQulUO1l4zhjQdGQnl3XrezbZL0wOABDo1E1sQn8fgUAjuJkhnwUH4dT6J8CttGCPmAbaUtZ6O1gE4NTMsp7MARtAb0dYV3Z5pVFwAdbgHU_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 25 € Externos


          

Taller de MINDFULNESS   

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Toledo, Fábrica de Armas, (Seminario del Reloj)

Es una práctica que consiste en mantener la atención consciente. Los estudios científicos han demostrado, que un estado de atención consciente ayuda no solo a reducir el estrés o la ansiedad, sino también a ser más creativos, a poder juzgar y valorar las situaciones con mayor claridad, a aumentar la resistencia emocional y a disfrutar más de lo que se está haciendo.

Fechas y horario:

Toledo, 2, 9 y 16 de octubre,
Miercoles, de 16,30 a 20,00 h.

Lugar:

Seminario del Reloj. Edificio 6 de Fábrica de Armas.

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Ángel Luis Álvaro

Objetivos:

  • Dotar a los asistentes de herramientas, habilidades y recursos que les permitan conocer y aplicar Mindfulness en su vida diaria.
  • Gestionar esa presión que nos añadimos día a día en función de nuestras autoexigencias.
  • Aprender, aplicar  y comprender el mindfulness «atención consciente» de una manera sencilla, amena y efectiva.

Contenidos:

  • Al lo largo del Taller práctico iremos hablando sobre los siguientes contenidos:
  • Mindfulness ¿qué es y qué beneficios aporta?.
  • Funcionamiento de la mente.
  • Conociendo y gestionando emociones. Qué son y para qué sirven las emociones.
  • Experimentar Mindfulness. Efectos de la práctica de Mindfulness.
  • Prácticas Mindfulness que puedo aplicar en mi vida cotidiana.

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 20 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

IMPORTANTE: Se recomienda llevar esterilla y una pequeña manta para el trabajo de relajación en suelo.

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/XhGpTFxcREhWlHl0pqG7AZjgWsq4xVlpVGPq1DhDWwk13AGHCduA2_PLUS_TUWV8hHb4RcRHNpvdTfZTiPod2hWbLveSWqjJBoUlJuqrGEveii94_EQUALS
Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

Laboratorio de ESCRITURA   

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toledo,fabrica de armas

Fechas y horario:

Toledo, 8, 15, 22 y 29 de octubre de 2019
Martes, de 17 a 20 h.

Todos somos creativos y si tomamos las riendas de nuestra imaginación podremos sacarle el mejor fruto durante nuestro laboratorio y sobre todo después.
EXPERIMENTAMOS: Nuestras herramientas son las palabras y jugaremos con ellas para que transmitan emociones al lector. Queremos que lo que no se escribe, los silencios, lo que se plasma “entre líneas” sea igual de importante que el texto. Esta vez reservaremos una parte del taller a la poesía y a la escritura experimental.

Lugar:

Aula 21.1.15 Edificio 21 de Fábrica de Armas.

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Cristina Serrano de Un Cuarto Propio

Objetivos:

Aprovechar la creatividad que todos tenemos dentro a través de la escritura.
Jugar con las palabras, perder el miedo a la hoja en blanco.
Aprender la diferencia entre escribir y re-escribir
Transformar la realidad en cuento o en poema

Contenidos:

Creatividad
Técnicas de Desbloqueo
La mirada
La memoria Ingredientes del cuento
Encontrar la historia
Quién cuenta la historia
Ambientación
Escritura Experimental
Poesía

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 18 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

Material de escritura

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/mW2bcZvGi44OTzYTWjGk9NSk8VB0VjxShYgV13SoCMggKQUqts9MBqSl664TS_PLUS_laYCPAexd5nS7PHlI6w_PLUS_05HZNzttHT9bkJ_SLASH_aJ5o9SAaNM_EQUALS

Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

Taller de TEATRO   

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Toledo, Facultad de Educación (Gimnasio)

Taller de Teatro: ¿Sabes comunicarte con todo tu cuerpo? ¿Qué tal llevas el trabajo en equipo? ¿Alguna vez te has preguntado cómo sería actuar y meterte en la piel de un personaje? El teatro es una disciplina que te ayuda a sentir, a comunicar y a expresar con todo tu cuerpo, así como a potenciar tu capacidad de trabajar con otros compañeros y liberarte jugando en escena.

Fechas y horario:

Toledo, 22 y 29 de octubre y 5, 12, 19 y 26 de noviembre
Martes, de 19 a 21 h.

Lugar:

Gimnasio Facultad de Educación, edificio nº 36

Objetivos

  • Fomentar la creatividad, el trabajo en equipo y la cultura teatral.
  • Desarrollar destrezas y habilidades de:
    – Carácter expresivo: comunicación, oratoria, expresión corporal;
    – Carácter psicológico: autoconocimiento, seguridad, integración;
    – Carácter social: relación, participación, comunicación.

Programa

  • La Relajación.
  • El Cuerpo: Respiración.
  • El Cuerpo: Conciencia de músculos y articulaciones.
  • El equilibrio y la presencia en escena.
  • El movimiento.
  • La energía y su modulación.
  • La Voz: Vocalización.
  • La Voz: Proyección.
  • La Voz: Los Resonadores.
  • Desarrollo de personaje.
  • La improvisación.

Lugar:

Sala de Danza y Expresión, Módulo Acuático, Fábrica de Armas

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)
Para obtener certificado de asistencia los alumnos deberán asistir al 90% de las sesiones del curso

Monitor:

Malaestirpe Teatro
Coordinador: Miguel Rojas

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 12 a 20 plazas

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/AZ7o_PLUS_pkEscq7VcU4nk4jdlXLzHIiYWyi6l7PAVKYGJVZpJmoYbhq2p5RNLkEd23q3bi9rOUWx2sE8ri0FwAuFTf73G_SLASH_gTJOxSkH0nE0ZrEE_EQUALS
Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia esceneada: cic@uclm.es
Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € (Externos – Incluye seguro escolar)


          

Taller de MINDFULNESS   

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Talavera de la Reina,Universidad

El Programa de Reducción de Estrés basado en Mindfulness enseña la habilidad de cultivar niveles de atención y compasión más profundos, nos invita a responsabilizarnos más por el cuidado de nuestra salud y bienestar, y contribuir a la reducción del estrés físico y mental asociado a estados de desequilibrio, sufrimiento y enfermedad. Mindfulness no es solamente para solucionar situaciones estresantes, si no para aprender a tener una vida plena y libre de tensiones emocionales que pueden perturbar nuestro día a día.

Fechas y horario:

Talavera de la Reina, 15, 22 y 29 de octubre,
Martes de 16,00 a 20,00 h.

Lugar:

Sala de Reuniones.

Reconocimiento:

15 h. (0,5 créditos ECTS)

Monitor:

Crsitina Rivera González de Rivera

Objetivos:

Recuperar el balance mente-cuerpo, que permite parar, detenerse, observar.
Encontrar espacios de quietud, autorregulación y auto cuidado.
Responder y en vez de reaccionar ante la amplia variedad de demandas.
Estar presentes, estar enteramente atentos en el aquí y ahora, enriqueciendo las relaciones, la conexión, la escucha y el aprendizaje a través de nuestra propia experiencia.
Observar nuestros hábitos como generadores del estrés/sufrimiento.
Trabajar sobre los condicionamientos y modos de pensamiento rígidos a través de una atención no reactiva.
Reconocer claramente el estrés/los estresores.
Ser conscientes de la interacción mente-cuerpo y su influencia en los procesos de salud/enfermedad.
Reconocer los estilos de comunicación que obstaculizan o abren nuevas vías de diálogo.
Desarrollar la empatía.
Mejorar la forma en que manejamos las emociones ante situaciones complejas.

Contenidos:

ELEMENTOS FUNDAMENTALES:
• no juzgar
• paciencia
• mente de principiante
• confianza
• no esforzarse
• aceptación
COMPONENTES
• AUTORREGULACIÓN DE LA ATENCIÓN:
1. Atención sostenida
2. Cambio atencional
3. No elaborar pensamientos, sentimientos y sensaciones
• ORIENTACIÓN HACIA LA EXPERIENCIA
1. No- conceptual
2. Centrado en el presente
3. No condenatorio
4. Intencional
5. Observación participante
6. No- verbal
7. Exploratorio
8. Liberador

Nº Plazas:

Grupo de 8 a 20 plazas

Materiales que debe llevar el alumno:

Material de escritura

Inscripción:

Enlace para realizar la inscripción: https://Model.blue/splash/C15oCT94YamHrHbdAmQJY9bIaW3fqkIP29jpnlwnUOwM2c6FLyZNjrANzlOKFeR_SLASH_5HWDiVVP6JD1j1jkvnUP0r66zqunSnv0kBv6gHSMy8k_EQUALS
Una vez abonada la inscripción nos debe enviar una copia escaneada: cic@uclm.es

Precio inscripción: 20 € UCLM (Estudiantes de Grado, PAS y PDI) / 27,77 € Externos


          

#VersiónUCLM Albacete   

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Albacete, Yelmocines Vialia

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/f6B_PLUS_Pngzm4urylK5ySVIa17pO18KinKI00zNI1DhAtcUepdJJZ7gAILucVSnSFs8Ptq810WqtAM02yzdK1rmw_PLUS_0JCX_PLUS_03_SLASH_JEH0Nrx1Edd0IdUr4qEN7vW_SLASH_bt3i0qMhLV
Más información #VersiónUCLM: https://Model.blue/splash/YskZtlvA1JAyItVKFtF47neTUHC4AKmzDIiNulj4U0nbevnO5j9hYYRJW0sOJNXeTS_PLUS_ygLkZXYgploVXbzEtchi3Haur9pPVbEdN9XjXwKSFGmzAnz0WcGC9_SLASH_oo6T0dK

Importante consultar horario definitivo en la web del cine: https://Model.blue/splash/xfHUyLX49k9gMDMTPZC_SLASH_TuppRzBu8Epf_PLUS_MZed7kdrX5M39XtpUYiEJOaJYYz4cZYNgjMdm5MmVWWgRjyxh4PRqVUDvkJi7T1WtjYn9YtZTlCgnmLKbZtzS5UIgpZTRPN (Sección VO y elegir el día y consultar película)


          

#VersiónUCLM Ciudad Real   

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Ciudad Real, Cines las Vías

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/enQMETpbby2x2XdROVqkk3bcv6_PLUS_3NMHAeZjXkf_PLUS_AKoPzxtPEVEst3D9s0yyDsF3uaezJQfA709NU10ZhKjdqQGKg5GDm_PLUS_NK29ICWisHiAvJLXZCqnwBNSTR6SDrcZnzb
Más información #VersiónUCLM: https://Model.blue/splash/eDSpOTydMgALX9OKALV2RFOcjBgPMxGZRF8Pu3cU1vc0P6RGi54Fp9RC0_SLASH_fH8zTCGbN_SLASH_aVXRAYfc2HR96X_PLUS_8p3NdrVnBcrgKx0PGA7P4_PLUS_TRnUErgzK0BQdGIBNoOgi_SLASH_f


          

#VersiónUCLM Ciudad Real   

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Ciudad Real, Cines las Vías

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/elyMiZj2CG3BSY2b_PLUS_h5gPBY5dE6lCoGIMW9igTMio3PpnNtb0es8kJljU5J1_SLASH_r0vKC6wTLeLNvPSxCG4he3H0gYLBU8lXmLoukJ_SLASH__PLUS_X_SLASH_WIzyPRy_SLASH_MsiK9TD_PLUS_qHNyX3sHw
Más información #VersiónUCLM: https://Model.blue/splash/V7ShBhqKO5yf_PLUS_1F7G5UrKohynOTlQNtxZsIeHUtHFDDy_PLUS_jwWmlsJFxR_SLASH_dWuTj0Pyn2hjvI5nZpsw0X2o2jP5xaA5VZcwKr1cwXhdjp_PLUS_Slpfey72LCUwCKwPKq_PLUS_NEYtiL


          

#VersiónUCLM Ciudad Real   

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Ciudad Real, Cines las Vías

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/kyyHLp64OWsUvW8jHkqB_PLUS_4_SLASH__PLUS_95K9eQ3_PLUS_QE1zfo_PLUS_yq_PLUS_3bWjsKCP7Qq2n_SLASH_HuE8bg_PLUS_rauS75owFk9QBtDzP2t_SLASH_PG1xbHhk_PLUS_zsH0yQZY92JQRR9B7JVFymfElpKO6bMdDqK2
Más información #VersiónUCLM: https://Model.blue/splash/v8_SLASH_ViYtIr6nO288KN1cTjwDhRfM6wHYk5BUbPJ8c7tgMaRl1j4ZvddpspfN_PLUS__SLASH_iBgI1hEzDL11WruvOsFKkzVQANY6uEyMTUfiut1ZTNX_SLASH_eo4OviutZHMME5pTzid6iaV


          

#VersiónUCLM Cuenca   

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Cuenca, Odeon Cines

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
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#VersiónUCLM Cuenca   

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Cuenca, Odeon Cines

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/kpoElvabMTnpiiwtbN_SLASH_1_PLUS_B219w265Rp7VsLHSoQ_PLUS_X8UklAvE_SLASH_AveVMNE5c3Am_PLUS_yCMhrtevz2HGLh81G_SLASH_fHbcmELtYk_SLASH_JVhvXCmYtHs307m_PLUS_vvQecIzc_PLUS_Lh5M5mOesW4B
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#VersiónUCLM Toledo   

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Toledo, Cine-Sur Luz del Tajo

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/oq42ZD9If99ayvipq3Q44XJFBOBlEFvXC9RBE0siWB2AUwQGjc8_PLUS__SLASH_DXkeN19m_SLASH_vVjbWk6NI9Mb5vxN6uNJ5oK8z8KTYYS0okDxu6M8DDAmG40A5o0X_PLUS_XCphW1BHeJrsq
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#VersiónUCLM Toledo   

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Toledo, Cine-Sur Luz del Tajo

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/jMWWDBiWOAlkaTLv9ZYj_PLUS_zu86Xyu4O8lAlyWk7WePwc_PLUS_QO7BfHDbBd8IYgTJfbS36rB8CycabVLnu17pvzwxeRJs05WV5htC0RlxevFQ7fnGoll_PLUS_uLMLk9OM_PLUS_DIS70OD
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#VersiónUCLM Talavera de la Reina   

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Talavera de la Reina, Cines Los Alfares

Actividad reconocida por el Pasaporte Cultural
Precio de la entrada: 3 € poseedores del Pasaporte Cultural / 3,5 € entrada general
Precios en la taquilla del cine
Más información del Pasaporte Cultural: https://Model.blue/splash/XIkLwJab7donZJnoSc_SLASH_7GRKuAGVfHDFYH9X0OIvq50UyAfwVSEmdz1KNMtdDd83BgLAE13zu7GPFtKbC4aB_PLUS_pOuWfdex9Jfxk80Jptek9lFTtnwhHJqzyn3ydmq4sUti
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III CONCURSO DE FOTOGRAFÍA MUJER Y CIENCIA   

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Edif. Antonio Saura, 16002 Cuenca, España

Con motivo del Día Internacional de la Mujer y la Niña en la Ciencia el Centro de Iniciativas Culturales, del Vicerrectorado de Cultura, Deporte y Extensión Universitaria, en colaboración con el Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Política Científica y el Vicerrectorado de Estudiantes y Responsabilidad Social, de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, convoca la III Edición del Concurso de Fotografía “Mujer y Ciencia”

1. Participantes

Para presentarse a este concurso los estudiantes deberán estar matriculados en el curso 2019/20 en la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha

2. Premio

  • Primer premio a la mejor fotografía: 500€
  • Accésit: 200€

Los premios se establecerán en las bases específicas de cada especialidad y serán aplicados a la orgánica 0103000, Actividades Culturales del año 2019.

De los importes de cada premio se descontarán los impuestos legalmente establecidos. Los premios estarán sujetos a las retenciones que corresponda conforme a lo establecido en la legislación vigente. El pago de todos los impuestos, tasas y/o recargos que se deriven de la concesión de los premios, serán a cargo exclusivo del premiado

3. Tema

“Mujer y Ciencia”

4. Formato

Las fotografías deberán realizarse con cualquier tipo de dispositivo digital no superando el tamaño de 3 MB.

5. Envío

Se enviará por mail un archivo JPEG a la siguiente dirección: cic@uclm.es con el título del asunto “Concurso Mujer y Ciencia”

Indicando de forma clara:

  • Nombre y apellidos:
  • Dirección:
  • Estudios y centro
  • Correo electrónico:
  • Teléfono de contacto:

No se aceptarán envíos sin tener todos los datos completos.

Cada concursante solo podrá presentar una fotografía.

6. Plazo de presentación

La fecha límite de envío será el 15 de noviembre de 2019 a las 24:00 h. No se aceptarán envíos posteriores.

7. Jurado

El jurado estará integrado por investigadores e investigadoras, profesionales de fotografía y un representante de los estudiantes de la UCLM.

8. Fallo del jurado

El jurado seleccionará hasta un máximo de 20 fotografías que se expondrán en los campus de la UCLM. El fallo se hará público a partir del día 25 de noviembre de 2019 en la página web oficial del Centro de Iniciativas Culturales de la UCLM (https://Model.blue/splash/ynVMrzoyy5_SLASH__SLASH_uAIy61Z9p2k_PLUS_3xvnkKfEZDrQz_PLUS_a80rmqu0RXylEB7Y8RGFavJ6bKUDHv1ifCjAIN_PLUS_yATyT9yEqg3p2ez4zU1RzCj_SLASH_CP_SLASH_mH8_EQUALS)

9. Exposición

La UCLM realizará una exposición itinerante por los campus de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha con las fotografías seleccionadas, para ello, la UCLM imprimirá las obras sobre papel fotográfico. El acto de entrega de los premios se realizará el día de la inauguración de la muestra.

10. Derechos

Los participantes seleccionados para la exposición itinerante cederán los derechos de imagen de sus obras a la UCLM, solo para la divulgación de esta exposición. Los premiados cederán todos los derechos de utilización de la imagen.

11. Licencias de las obras

Los participantes en el concurso responderán personalmente de la legítima titularidad y originalidad de la obra, además de la cesión del derecho de la imagen de las personas que aparezcan garantizando, por la sola participación en este concurso, dicha titularidad así como el carácter original e inédito de la obra.

12. Aceptación de las Bases

La participación en el presente concurso implica la aceptación de las bases generales del mismo. El incumplimiento de las obligaciones que imponen las presentes bases podrá ser motivo de revocación de los beneficios de esta convocatoria.

13. Datos personales

De acuerdo con lo dispuesto en la Ley Orgánica 15/1999 de Protección de datos de carácter personal, le informamos que sus datos pasan a formar parte de un fichero de la Universidad cuya finalidad es la gestión de actividades culturales y podrían ser cedidos de acuerdo con las leyes vigentes. Asimismo, le comunicamos que puede ejercitar los derechos de acceso, rectificación, cancelación y oposición de sus datos remitiendo un escrito al Director Académico de Seguridad de Sistemas Informáticos de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, calle Altagracia, número 50, 13071 Ciudad Real, adjuntando copia de documento que acredite su identidad.

ORGANIZACIÓN

Cualquier duda o consulta puede hacerse a:

Centro de Iniciativas Culturales
Unidad de Extensión Universitaria

Vicerrectorado de Cultura, Deporte y Extensión Universitaria
Teléfono 969 17 91 00 (Ext.: 92023)
cic@uclm.es


          

EXPOSICIÓN "EL FLUIR DE LA PINTURA" de Óscar Lagunas   

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Cuenca, Sala ACUA

Hay en las obras de Óscar una reminiscencia figurativa, un latido corporal, orgánico; una relación acompasada que nos hace imaginar la musculatura de un paisaje. En estas obras no hay una historia traducible a palabras, descubrimos en cambio una temporalidad pintada: unas formas son consecuencia de las otras, como en una partida de ajedrez: hay lazos invisibles que fuerzan las posiciones del alfil frente a la reina, hay jaques y enroques visuales que hacen que la obra tengan una tensión sensible que nos atrapa.

Cartones de un sutil ocre,  papeles que insinúan el amarillo de Nápoles, telas de color marfil, algodón gris inefable, lino pardo claro de Siena: me equivoco si digo que la pintura de Óscar es en blanco y negro. Su obra requiere un poco más de atención para descubrir el placer de los colores. En el límite con la pincelada que devora la luz descubres el cromatismo de la tela o del papel.

La pincelada es una oscuridad que hace descubrir el soporte como luz matizada. El negro es la oscuridad que matiza el soporte, como la sombra del árbol sobre la nieve que me descubre que la nieve atesora el tinte dorado del sol y la sombra un violeta que le complementa. Pero el negro es más: es un color con su particular belleza, con un carácter que lleva a decir a Jean Arp que si el negro se toca, si se mezcla con otros colores, se corrompe. En este sentido radical, de poesía máxima, el negro ha de ser el color de Óscar, el único color.

Óscar recuerda las pinturas rupestres de Villar de Humo, en la tierra de su infancia; las pinturas negras de Francisco de Goya en el asombro de la primera juventud; las arpilleras de Millares en sus pasos como pintor vocacional; hay una genealogía común que une esta rama del arte con su propia obra: el trazo como gesto de demiurgo, la pincelada como acto de creación absoluta. El artista no representa el mundo, crea un mundo que tiene que ver algo con el nuestro; pero es un mundo nuevo que en su distancia explica las verdades últimas de nuestro universo.

Unos cuadros llevan a otros, como los versos de un poema oriental: tesis, antítesis y síntesis sin una causalidad tan evidente como la acostumbrada en occidente. Óscar trabaja por series en las que el conjunto de obras son contemporáneas, nacen en un instante común y el artista doma el azar de la creación en cada  cuadro del archipiélago que construye. El ritmo de unas pinturas contagia a las otras, que se responden, matizando el eco mutuo.

El acto de pintar es el maestro que guía la pintura. Pintar es arriesgarse porque cada pincelada es única como una promesa dada; no se puede retroceder en el proceso de pintar: ha de salir bien en su proceso completo o hay que romper el cuadro. El artista puede parar un momento, reflexionar un día, aguardar un año antes de dar el siguiente paso. Porque pintar no tiene vuelta atrás, es un camino que si se desanda se desvanece. La tensión de la pintura de Óscar Lagunas procede de un hacer en  el que no cabe la falsedad o el artificio: cada pincelada es una verdad.


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